Mounting job losses have finally caught the
attention of politicians within and outside the Washington beltway. President
Bush recently shrugged off questions about the rising government deficit,
arguing that "I am more concerned about
somebody finding a job than I am about a number on paper." With nine million
officially unemployed, and with millions more outside the labor force because
they do not believe it is possible to find a job, the President’s political
future may well rest on his ability to create new jobs.
In that light, his
announcement that he would create a new undersecretary of commerce post devoted
to job creation is a step in the right direction. Unfortunately, much of the
discussion in the press has centered around stemming the flow of jobs to low
wage nations, and placing the new Job Czar in Commerce does raise the
possibility that attention will be diverted to our trade with other nations. A
worst case scenario would see the Job Czar’s efforts focused on restricting
imports or on favoritism for US exporters—both of which are designed to raise
prices to American consumers. Such an approach is not in the interests of
Americans, nor is it in the interests of the rest of the world. The US (along
with China) has been the major source of demand that has permitted global
economic growth over the past decade. With Euroland now in a deep recession, and
with continued sluggish growth (or worse) in most of the rest of the world,
restriction of imports by the US would be a disaster.
American workers need jobs, not protectionism and the
higher prices that would result. A real stimulus package that put more
disposable income into the hands of consumers would help to create private
sector jobs. However, at least for the near term, even well-designed tax cuts
will not create the millions of jobs needed. Timely increases in federal
government spending and federal transfers to the states would generate more new
jobs than tax cuts are likely to create. The rapid increase in defense spending
accounted for 70% of GDP growth in the second quarter, and that will continue to
help spur recovery. However, this should be supplemented with additional public
spending in areas such as education and public infrastructure that have
long-lasting impacts on our nation’s productivity.
Still, there is a better way to ensure full employment. A real Job Czar would be
put in charge of direct job creation.
Democratic Candidate Kucinich has called for public
works projects similar to the New Deal’s jobs programs in order to rebuild
highways, schools and the country's energy system. This is on the right track,
but the focus of such a program today should be reoriented toward provision of
public services: education and supervised recreation for our young, elder care,
environmental monitoring and clean-up, and public safety and beautification
projects for our cities. These can be good jobs that provide living wages, and
they cannot be “outsourced” to low-wage nations. Creation of such a program
would give a Job Czar a real opportunity to respond in a constructive manner to
unemployment and job loss.
For an example of what can
be done, we can look to the recent experience of Argentina. As everyone knows,
Argentina had been the darling of the Washington Consensus and of the IMF
structural adjustment approach. It opened its economy, freed its markets,
privatized government operations, downsized government, adopted fiscal and
monetary austerity, and—importantly—adopted a currency board based on the
dollar. It did everything “right”, but the IMF/Washington Consensus approach was
fundamentally flawed and put Argentina into an inherently unsustainable
situation. When world financial markets began to doubt the nation’s ability to
maintain the currency board arrangement, there was a run on the domestic
currency. The IMF/Washington Consensus recommended more austerity—which caused
unemployment and poverty to explode. Social unrest eventually led to rioting in
the streets. Argentina wisely abandoned the dollar, floated the currency,
defaulted on some of the debt, and rejected the IMF/Washington Consensus.
The rioting stopped when
the government implemented a job creation program designed to provide a social
safety net for poor households with children. The program evolved through
several stages, with the final phase beginning in April 2002 with the
implementation of the Jefes de Hogar (Heads of Household) program that
provides a payment of 150 pesos per month to a head of household for a minimum
of 4 hours of work daily. Participants work in community services and small
construction or maintenance activities, or are directed to training programs
(including finishing basic education). The household must contain children under
age 18, persons with handicaps, or a pregnant woman. Households are generally
limited to one participant in the Jefes program.
The program’s total
spending is currently equal to about 1% of GDP, with nearly 2 million
participants (about 1.7 million in Jefes and 300,000 in PEL). This
is out of a population of only 37 million, or more than 5% of the population.
However, it should be noted that the US spends 1% of GDP on social assistance,
while France and the UK spend 3-4% of GDP on such programs. Given a national
poverty rate above 50%, and with 9.6 million indigents and a child poverty rate
approaching 75%, Argentina’s spending is small relative to needs.
According to the World
Bank’s reviews, the program has been highly successful in achieving a number of
goals. First, program spending is well-targeted to the intended population—poor
households with children. Second, the program has provided needed services and
small infrastructure projects in poor communities, with most projects
successfully completed and operating. Third, the program has increased income of
poor households. While there have been some problems associated with
implementation and supervision of the program cases involving mismanagement or
corruption appear to have been relatively rare. Still, there are reports of
favoritism, and home country researchers have made serious critiques of program
design. However, surveys show that program participants are overwhelmingly happy
with the program.
On November 3, 2003, the
Mayor of Istanbul, Turkey, announced his intention to create a similar program
to fight the growing unemployment problem in that city. Unemployment imposes
severe costs on society—both economic costs in terms of foregone output, but
also intolerable social costs in terms of rising crime and disintegrating
families and communities. The Mayor recognized that no other social program
brings so many benefits as those that accompany a job creation program. It will
be interesting to follow the developments in Turkey as a “heads of household”
job creation program is implemented.
Any sovereign nation that
issues its own floating rate currency can “afford” full employment. (Indeed, one
might rightly question whether nations can truly “afford” unemployment.) This is
because such a government spends by crediting bank accounts, and taxes by
debiting them. There can be no question about the solvency of such a nation—even
if a deficit results. Japan’s sovereign deficit reaches 8% of GDP; Turkey’s
sovereign deficit exceeds 25% of GDP. But so long as these nations maintain
floating exchange rates, they can always spend and “service” debt by crediting
bank accounts. Hence, if there are unemployed resources, including labor, the
sovereign government can put them to work.
The big fear, of course, is
that full employment will necessarily generate inflation. If full employment is
achieved by “pump priming”, that is, by trying to raise aggregate demand through
tax cuts or general government spending, it can in some circumstances generate
inflation. However, if full employment is generated through a job creation
program designed like Argentina’s Jefes program, it cannot be
inflationary. This is because such a program sets a fixed basic wage and then
hires all who are ready and willing to work at that wage. This operates like a
commodities buffer stock program that sets a floor price—it prevents prices from
falling through the floor, but does not push up prices. If the private sector
expands, workers are hired out of the labor “buffer stock”; when the private
sector down-sizes, workers flow into the “buffer stock”. Hence, the Jefes-type
program also provides a strong counter-cyclical stabilizing force. It should be
noted that government spending on the program will also be strongly
counter-cyclical.
A real Job Czar would be
put in charge of a job creation program that would achieve full employment
without generating inflationary pressures. Once full employment is achieved,
then the pressures to use protectionist measures to fight imports will be
diminished. Further, the wage-and-price stabilizing features of a buffer stock
approach would reduce reliance on fiscal and monetary austerity to fight
inflation. 
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